State Id State Name Castecode Caste Subcaste 4 GUJARAT 4001 AHIR SORATHA 4 GUJARAT 4002 AHIR 4 GUJARAT 4003 ANSARI 4 GUJARAT 4004 ANVIL BRAHMIN 4 GUJARAT 4005 ATIT BAYAJI BAKSHI PANCH 4 GUJARAT 4006 BAJANIYA 4 GUJARAT 4007 BAJIR . While fission did occur, fusion could also occur. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. The two former ekdas continued to exist with diminished strength. The tribal groups in the highland area, such as the Bhils and Naikdas, also did not have any urban component. While we can find historical information about the formation of ekdas and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. Our analysis of caste in towns has shown how it differed significantly from that in villages. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. For example, there was considerable ambiguity about the status of Anavils. gujarati surnames castes We shall return to this issue later. The village was a small community divided into a relatively small number of castes; the population of each caste was also small, sometimes only one or two households, with little possibility of existence of subdivisions; and there were intensive relationships of various kinds between the castes. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. Since Rajput as a caste occurred all over northern, central and western India (literally, it means rulers son, ruling son), the discussion of Rajputs in Gujarat will inevitably draw us into their relationship with Rajputs in other regions. Besides the myths, the members of a second-order division, belonging to all ekdas, shared certain customs and institutions, including worship of a tutelary deity. Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. A large proportion, if not the whole, of the population of many of such divisions lived in towns. A block printed and resist-dyed fabric, whose origin is from Gujarat was found in the tombs of Fostat, Egypt. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. As Ghurye pointed out long ago, slow consolidation of the smaller castes into larger ones would lead to three or four large groups being solidly organized for pushing the interests of each even at the cost of the others. The population of certain first-order divisions lived mainly in villages. The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput. Britain's Industrial Revolution was built on the de-industrialisation of India - the destruction of Indian textiles and their replacement by manufacturing in England, using Indian raw materials and exporting the finished products back to India and even the rest of the world. The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the maintenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. Ideally, castes as horizontal units should he discussed with the help of population figures. Today majority of these community members are not engaged in their ancestral weaving occupation still some population of these community contribute themselves in traditional handloom weaving of famous Patola of Patan, Kachchh shawl of Bhujodi in Kutch, Gharchola and Crotchet of Jamnagar, Zari of Surat, Mashroo of Patan and Mandvi in Kutch, Bandhani of Jamnagar, Anjar and Bhuj, Motif, Leheria, Dhamakda and Ajrak, Nagri sari, Tangaliya Shawl, Dhurrie, Kediyu, Heer Bharat, Abhala, Phento and art of Gudri. Both Borradaile and Campbell were probably mixing up small endogamous units of various kinds. Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. I have, therefore, considered them a first-order division and not a second-order one among Brahmans (for a fuller discussion of the status of Anavils, see Joshi, 1966; Van der Veen 1972; Shah, 1979). While some hypergamous and hierarchical tendency, however weak, did exist between tads within an ekda and between ekdas within a second- order division, it was practically non-existent among the forty or so second-order divisions, such as Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, Khadayata and so on, among the Vanias. Caste associations have been formed on the lines of caste divisions. 2 0 obj The advance made in recent years is limited and much more needs to be done. To whichever of the four orders a caste division belonged, its horizontal spread rarely, if ever, coincided with that of another. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. The two areas merge gradually, and my field work covered most of the spectrum. 1 0 obj The hypergamous tendency was never as sharp, pervasive and regular among the Vania divisions as among the Rajputs, Leva Kanbis, Anavils and Khedawals. More common was an ekda or tad having its population residing either in a few neighbouring villages, or in a few neighbouring towns, or in both. They worked not only as high priests but also as bureaucrats. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages. If this rule was violated, i.e., if he married a girl with whom the Vanias did not have commensal relations, the maximum punishment, namely, excommunication, was imposed. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. What is really required for a comprehensive understanding is a comparison of traditional with modern caste in both rural and urban areas (including, to be sure, the rural-urban linkages). Image Guidelines 5. These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. This was dramatized at huge feasts called chorasi (literally, eighty-four) when Brahmans belonging to all the traditional 84 second-order divisions sat together to eat food cooked at the same kitchen. When the rural population began to be drawn towards the new opportunities, the first to take advantage of them were the rural sections of the rural-cum-urban castes. Moreover, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. caste: [noun] one of the hereditary social classes in Hinduism that restrict the occupation of their members and their association with the members of other castes. : 11-15, 57-75). A new view of the whole, comprising the rural and the urban and the various orders of caste divisions, should be evolved. To take one sensitive area of purity/pollution behaviour, the concern for observance of rules of commensality has greatly declined not only in urban but also in rural areas. Kuntasi, Lothal and Somnath of Gujarat regions in Harrapan civilization were familiar with weaving and the spinning of cotton for as long as four thousand years ago. Here, usually, what mattered was the first-order division, as for example Brahman, Vania, Rajput, Kanbi, carpenter, barber, leather-worker, and so on. manvar surname caste in gujarat - Be Falcon In particular, the implications of the co-existence of lower-order divisions within a higher- order division in the same town or city should be worked out. Indian textiles especially of Gujarat have been praised in several accounts by explorers and historians, from Megasthenes to Herodotus. During Mughal Empire India was manufacturing 27% of world's textile and Gujarati weavers dominated along with Bengali weavers in Indian textile trade industry overseas. % Vankar - Wikipedia Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. I do not propose to review the literature on caste here; my aim is to point out the direction towards which a few facts from Gujarat lead us. Secondly, it is necessary to study intensively the pattern of inter-caste relations in urban centres as something differentat least hypotheticallyfrom the pattern in villages. This does not solve the problem if there are four orders of divisions of the kind found in Gujarat. hu)_EYUT?:fX:vOR,4g4ce{\(wcUO %OW-Knj|qV]_)1?@{^ $:0ZY\fpg7J~Q~pHaMVSP5bLC}6+zwgv;f f^v4[|vug+vO0h t7QNP}EYm+X[x~;O|z5tq ]-39aa{g-u5n:a56&`3y.f-a@a"0v-a@$%`Z]]Iqb56aR0g 30V9EM%K"#|6uN? =O|8alCcs):~AC<5 q|om57/|Sgc}2c#)U~WL}%T]s> z. There was also a tendency among bachelors past marriageable age to establish liaisons with lower-caste women, which usually led the couple to flee and settle down in a distant village. In 1931, their total population was more than 1,700,000, nearly one-fourth of the total population of Gujarat. In effect, the Vania population in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. An important idea behind the activities of caste associations is: service to ones caste is service to the nation. Pocock goes on to observe that diminution of emphasis upon hierarchy and increasing emphasis upon difference are features of caste in modern, particularly urban, India: there is a shift from the caste system to individual castes and this reflects the change that is taking place in India today (290). To have a meaningful understanding of the system of caste divisions, there is no alternative but to understand the significance of each order of division and particularly the nature of their boundaries and maintenance mechanisms. The Kanbis (now called Patidars) had five divisions: Leva, Kadya, Anjana, Bhakta, and Matia. What may be called the census approach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. Many of them claimed that they were Brahmans but this claim was not accepted by most established Brahmans. A fundamental difficulty with these paradigms of change, as indicated by the above analysis, is that they are based on a partial conception of the systematic or structural whole in the past partially because it does not cover the urban situation and the complexity of horizontal units. But there were also others who did not wield any power. A comment on the sociology of urban India would, therefore, be in order before we go ahead with the discussion of caste divisions. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. In other words, it did not involve a big jump from one place to another distant place. There was an emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower. So instead of a great exporter of finished products, India became an importer of British, while its share of world export fell from 27% to two percent. For example, there were Khedawal Brahmans but not Khedawal Vanias, and Lad Vanias but no Lad Brahmans. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes. They co-existed in the highlands with tribes such as the Bhils, so much so that today frequently many high caste Gujaratis confuse them with Bhils, as did the earlier ethnographers. The tad thus represented the fourth and last order of caste divisions. No sooner had the village studies begun that their limitations and the need for studying caste in its horizontal dimension were realized. The main reason was that Anavils did not practise priesthood as a traditional occupation, nor were they involved in traditional Sanskrit learning. Together they provide a slice of Gujarati society from the sea- coast to the bordering highlands. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. This stratum among the Kanbis coped with the problem mainly by practising remarriage of widows and divorced women.

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